How the Georgians prevented the government from adopting the «Russian law» and what will happen to the country's course towards European integration
“I am from Russia, and this is what I was running from. Fight!» — an inscription on one of the posters during a peaceful demonstration on Rustaveli Avenue. Against the backdrop of what is happening in Tbilisi, the Russians who emigrated to Georgia are experiencing deja vu: “We again live in a city where there are many fashionable coffee houses, where there are arrests at rallies and where a law on foreign agents is being passed.” However, despite all the similarities of circumstances, the story of the Georgian law on foreign agents, unlike the Russian one, ended in a happy ending. At least at first glance.
Marta Ardasheliya talks about how Tbilisi protested and won the first victory.
Georgia is not Russia
Georgia is not Russia
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Georgia, which hosts a significant part of Russian emigration, has once again plunged into a political crisis. The reason for this is the law on «agents of foreign influence», initiated by the small parliamentary «Power of the People», which is known for its anti-Western rhetoric.
This political force includes deputies who left the ruling Georgian Dream party. There is an opinion that the «mother» party entrusted them with a mission: to voice the most rabid anti-Western calls, to initiate the most radical laws to suppress independent media and NGOs. After Georgia was denied the status of a candidate for EU membership, the apparent failure of the Georgian Dream policy had to be compensated for somehow. It was the representatives of the Power of the People who began to promote to the masses the conspiracy theory that some forces of the West forced Tbilisi to open a second front of the war with Russia, but the wise policy of the local authorities, aimed at non-tension with the Russian Federation, did not allow this.
The next step of the «Power of the People» was the law on foreign agents.
The current policy of the Georgian government already gives a lot of reasons for criticism from the stands of the European Parliament: the authorities are holding under arrest the dying Mikheil Saakashvili, the general director of the opposition TV channel Mtavari, Nika Gvaramia; The authorities are in litigation with the founders of two other opposition buttons, Formula and TV Pirveli. Against this background, the law against small media and non-governmental organizations working mainly on international grants looked quite natural.
But it seems that the authorities miscalculated the scale of the threat. In fact, the law on «agents of foreign influence» submitted to the parliament for consideration can affect every farmer or winemaker who does business in the Georgian outback.
And the understanding that this is not another chamber protest of opposition-minded Tbilisi intellectuals, and something more global, concerning the future of Georgia, came to many.
Initially, the hearing was scheduled for March 9, but suddenly the hearing was postponed to March 7. The protesters gathered at the parliament by 9 am and by evening they had already begun to go home, when opposition deputies sounded the alarm, announcing from behind the walls of parliament: the law was adopted in the first reading. Georgian Dream took advantage of the lull and wants to push through the law no matter what.
Dissatisfied citizens of all ages and political persuasions quickly began to converge on the parliament building. People chanted: “No to Russian law!”, “Slaves!”. After statements made, including by opposition leaders, dissatisfied citizens went to negotiate with representatives of the special forces, pulled to the parliament building. Soon after, the first clashes began — around 21.30 Tbilisi time.
The police used water cannons and tear gas, the protesters threw Molotov cocktails, stones and other improvised objects at the police.
After the first attempt to disperse During the rally, the police temporarily retreated, and the protesters were able to break through the barrier on the outskirts of the parliament and find themselves at the main entrance. The police responded with water cannons and tear gas cannons.
While the clashes were taking place, the protesters were publicly supported by the President of Georgia, Salome Zurabishvili, who was visiting the United States at that moment (in connection with the events in Tbilisi, she canceled all events). Zurabishvili promised to veto the law on foreign agents if passed. This move has important political implications, but in practice a presidential veto in the parliamentary republic that Georgia is is easily overridden by a simple majority.
Around 1.30 am Tbilisi time, police reinforcements arrived and forced the protesters out of Rustaveli Avenue in front of the parliament. However, the protest continued the next day, March 8, with many more protesters.
Tens of thousands of Georgian citizens filled Rustaveli Avenue.
On March 9, the ruling Georgian Dream and spun off from After that, Power of the People announced the withdrawal of the law in connection with a large-scale civil protest. Their joint statement said:
“We see that the adopted bill has caused controversy in society. The lie machine was able to present the bill in a negative light and mislead a certain part of the population. The bill was labeled falsely as a «Russian law» and its adoption in the first reading was presented in the eyes of a part of the public as a departure from the European course. In addition, the radical forces managed to involve some of the youth in illegal activities. Thank you to the heroic law enforcement officers who patiently and to the highest standards responded to the violence.”
This statement demonstrates that Georgian Dream refuses to pass the law, but not the idea itself. The opposition warns that the ruling party is simply trying to lull the population's vigilance and play for time. And lawyers explain: it is legally impossible to withdraw the bill in words after it has been approved in the first reading. According to the regulations, now it must be voted on in the second reading, and those who wrote the bill, along with those who supported it, this time will have to fail it. If this does not happen, then Georgian Dream will be able to resume the procedure for adopting the law at any time.
It is important to understand that there has long been no trust in the words of the founder of the party, oligarch Bidzina Ivanishvili, in Georgia. In June 2019, “Gavrilov’s Night” happened in Tbilisi. Then the communist deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation Sergey Gavrilov sat (supposedly by accident) in the chair of the speaker of the Georgian parliament, which caused spontaneous protests. They ended with a harsh dispersal of the demonstrators — but also with political concessions from the ruling party. Personally, Bidzina Ivanishvili promised to hold the upcoming parliamentary elections under a fully proportional system. A few months later, part of the majority deputies went against the will of the owner, refusing to vote for the relevant amendments. Ivanishvili spread his hands, declaring that he could not put pressure on the members of the party he founded.
What is the law about?
The bill, innocuously called «On the Transparency of Foreign Influence», assumed the emergence in Georgia of an institution of «agent of foreign influence» — similar to the one that exists in Russia.
According to the bill, all media, non-governmental organizations and organizations whose annual budget at least 20% consists of proceeds from abroad (and if you quote the bill — financed by «foreign power»), they will receive the status of a foreign agent.
The sources of foreign funding are recognized as foreign funds and organizations, in including state and citizens of other countries.
It was assumed that a legal entity engaged in non-profit or journalistic activities could be required to register as an agent in three cases:
- if it directly or indirectly received funds from a “foreign force”;
- or if the source of funding is simply not identified.
< li>if it directly or indirectly received funds from an entity that in turn received funds from a «foreign force»;
< p>The bill requires NGOs and the media to fill out annual declarations and report on finances — but the paradox is that they already file such declarations annually.
And although the authors argued that their bill is not at all repressive, it still strictly regulates the actions of “foreign agents” and provides for punitive measures if they do not register on time and do not provide financial statements on time: fines ranging from 10 to 25 thousand lari (these are approximately from 4 to 7.5 thousand dollars). For independent media in Georgia that need grant support, this is a lot of money.
Oligarch's Russian Dream
In the light of recent events, the founder of the Georgian Dream and the shadow leader of the country, Bidzina Ivanishvili, is increasingly being compared with the former President of Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych, and the events in Tbilisi are Euromaidan deja vu. However, it is obvious that Ivanishvili turned out to be wiser than Yanukovych. The authorities did not dare to make direct statements about the refusal to join the EU. They say through the «Power of the People». But the systematic rollback of democracy, as well as actions contrary to the recommendations of the Europeans, ensure Georgia's refusal of EU membership in deeds, not in words.
Obviously, Ivanishvili is waiting.
He is not worried about the future Georgia — whether pro-Western or pro-Russian. For him, the risks of falling under sanctions have become too great — especially in light of the State Department's statement after the dispersal of the protest in Tbilisi on March 7.
Georgian Dream's statement about the withdrawal of the bill seems wise. The authorities assessed the strength of the protest and the risks, deciding to make concessions. At least in words. But will the Georgian opposition be able to convert this political victory and, in general, the protest degree in society into something more? So far, the opponents of the authorities have not been able to act in a coordinated manner, which, among other things, has led to the frustration of the population. It seemed that the opposition could not stir up the masses. But now, obviously, the masses will demand action.
Marta Ardasheliya